A Love Letter to Cornices

You have to look up.

If you’re walking around the city, pay attention to where you’re stepping. Look out for cars, bikes, and other pedestrians. But don’t forget to look up.

There’s a whole world of hidden detail up there. I say ‘hidden’ because you have to look for it in order to notice. It takes effort. It’s almost as if we weren’t meant to see it; it’s as if it wasn’t built for us. Perhaps it was built for the pigeons to perch on or gaze upon while flying by.

By looking up, by zooming in- you are seeing something that most people don’t see. It’s hidden in plain sight. Why did they put the most beautiful components of the building at the cornice, where they rarely get the attention they so obviously strive for?

Cornices are clearly where the urban building ‘expresses’ itself. Where urban façades were typically regimented, limited to masonry spans, standard window sizes, brick spacing and dimensions- the cornice offered an area within which to experiment, a place to be unique.

And they do just that; they are highly contextual and change from neighborhood to neighborhood. I have yet to notice any repeating cornices other than those built on the same block. The lack of repetition keeps it interesting. Needless to say, there’s a lot to love.

For more cornices, check out @nycornice on Instagram.

The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 8

Chapter 8: Design


Mingo Junction steel mill’s relationship to downtown. Photo by Uwe Niggemeier.

Mingo Junction steel mill’s relationship to downtown. Photo by Uwe Niggemeier.

The architectural landscape must have continuity. “The understanding and interpretation of a landscape are linked to the preservation of its material landmarks, the irreplaceable artifacts of memory” (Bergeron 238). If sites are treated as palimpsests rich with layers of history and information, the landscape is more legible as a continuity of time and memory.

Every drawing was created with the idea of the palimpsest in mind- using layers of historic maps and photographs helped to identify layers of existing, subtraction, recollection, and addition which must take place in order to create the design. Thus, layers of time are not only preserved but are used as part of the design method.

Ultimately, the design became about the intersections of the different layers of time on the site. Where do they meet? How do they meet? Are they differentiated through materiality, orientation, joints between them, or all of the above? I wanted to preserve some of the ambiguity inherent in ruinous landscapes, so when I had to stop the design phase and begin documentation, I knew that ultimately, the design would go towards exploring these intersections. An initial exploration of this idea can be seen in the isometric drawings presented in this chapter.

Preservation Strategy: Layers of Time

Preservation Strategy.png

Design Strategy: Creating a Palimpsest

Overview of existing site.

Overview of existing site.

Some existing elements must be ‘subtracted’ from the site in order to support the new program.

Some existing elements must be ‘subtracted’ from the site in order to support the new program.

Some existing elements of the site which are to be removed, or have already been removed, will be ‘recalled’ through intentionally designed reflections of the past.

Some existing elements of the site which are to be removed, or have already been removed, will be ‘recalled’ through intentionally designed reflections of the past.

Existing circulation patterns and build orientation ran north to south, so new ‘added’ layers run east to west. This adds an element of contrast while connecting downtown Mingo Junction with the Ohio River.

Existing circulation patterns and build orientation ran north to south, so new ‘added’ layers run east to west. This adds an element of contrast while connecting downtown Mingo Junction with the Ohio River.

Program

Program key-reduced.png

Process-Sketch

Charcoal layers digitally manipulated and printed on acetate sheets, displayed over photograph of existing site. Colors differentiate design strategies: subtraction, recollection, addition. Presentation and process as representation of layered desig…

Charcoal layers digitally manipulated and printed on acetate sheets, displayed over photograph of existing site. Colors differentiate design strategies: subtraction, recollection, addition. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Charcoal layers digitally manipulated and printed on acetate sheets, displayed over photograph of existing site. Colors differentiate design strategies: subtraction, recollection, addition. Presentation and process as representation of layered desig…

Charcoal layers digitally manipulated and printed on acetate sheets, displayed over photograph of existing site. Colors differentiate design strategies: subtraction, recollection, addition. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Perspectives- Layers of Time

Graphite on vellum displayed over photograph of existing site. Presentation and process as representation of  layered design strategy.

Graphite on vellum displayed over photograph of existing site. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Graphite on vellum displayed over photograph of existing site. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Graphite on vellum displayed over photograph of existing site. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Graphite on vellum displayed over photograph of existing site. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Graphite on vellum displayed over photograph of existing site. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Site Plan

New site plan printed on vellum and displayed over historic site map. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

New site plan printed on vellum and displayed over historic site map. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Site Sections

A combination of printed and hand drawings on vellum, displayed over historic site map. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

A combination of printed and hand drawings on vellum, displayed over historic site map. Presentation and process as representation of layered design strategy.

Isometrics-Intersections of Layers

Digital isometric drawings representing junctions of complex layers of time.

Digital isometric drawings representing junctions of complex layers of time.

Model of Existing Site

Chipboard and basswood model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard and basswood model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard and basswood model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard and basswood model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Model of New Layers

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

Chipboard, basswood, taskboard and acrylic model mounted on laser-etched cardboard base displaying historic map.

The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 7

Chapter 7: Program


Like the ruins of ancient civilizations, the ruins of industrialization should be embraced as unintentional monuments, as anonymous sculptures, as keepers of both memory and identity within the complex landscape. The program of the site should reflect the region’s former and present identities, emphasizing the elements that make it unique, and taking a new approach “where the design process is more concerned with finding than with inventing” (Weilacher 276). As we continue building, consuming, and altering the landscape, transformation will become an increasingly popular practice for architects as a more cost-effective and sustainable method. Instead of building from scratch on a blank site, it will be necessary to incorporate existing structures into new uses.

Throughout history, the devotion of large swaths of land to any single use has generally ended in large-scale abandonment and desolation. It is common for development today to be mixed-use, combining many (formerly considered) incompatible programmatic elements on a single site. When one business or industry inevitably leaves, the site doesn’t fall into disrepair but instead relies on the other parts of the program until the empty space can again be filled.

In an effort to build upon what we have learned from industrialization and deindustrialization, the program at Mingo Junction will be mixed-use. It has six components, listed in order of invasiveness and the phased approach which will be necessary for a project of this scale. The first three elements primarily use the existing conditions of the site, altered or added to, and guide the master planning phase.


Creating A Palimpsest


The program was developed in an effort to create a palimpsest with the existing elements.

The program was developed in an effort to create a palimpsest with the existing elements.




The overarching theme of the programming process is ‘palimpsest’, which will involve evaluating existing conditions in an effort to determine what will remain on site as is, what will be altered, and what will be removed. The first component of the master plan is brownfield remediation, which will also involve evaluating existing conditions, but with the goal of determining where extreme contamination lies and what measures can be taken to remove the toxins. The second component is that of converting the site to recreational use, the design and details of which relies heavily upon the former programmatic elements. The third part of the master plan will involve collecting and harvesting renewable energy for both site and community use. The solar and wind gain of the site will be analyzed and the efficacy of transforming specific areas into collection areas will be determined.

The final, building-scale components of the program are agriculture/greenhouses, a museum of industry, and a manufactory/maker space for artists and small industries. Each component of the program responds to the ambiguity, memory, and identity of ruins previously discussed and responds to the history of the site, the details of which will be explored in the following subchapters.

The site has abundant existing infrastructure which can be utilized for the building-scale components of
the program. The structurally sound skeletons will be preserved, but the buildings themselves will be added to or subtracted from in order to satisfy program requirements. Many new buildings are palimpsests, even if the traces of the site’s former use are barely visible- foundations are re-used, landscaping and drainage are retained, and sometimes structures are reincorporated into the new plan. Ruinous sites rich in history can take the palimpsest a step further by recognizing and emphasizing the various layers that create the palimpsest: layers of ambiguity, memory and identity.

Existing building square footages with a combined total of approximately 126,650 SF.

Existing building square footages with a combined total of approximately 126,650 SF.

The palimpsest guides the entire design process; all decisions will be made in terms of the existing layers, as well as what can be drawn from historical research and added to subtly evoke history.


Master Plan


A palimpsest uses something existing to create something new, retaining vestiges of the original form. By treating the site as a palimpsest, ambiguities and paradoxes can be utilized in the master plan, and the memory and identity of the place continue to play a role in its everyday use.

“This century created a new type of order. Order can be based on disconnection and superimposing” (Weilacher/Geuze 102). This ‘new type of order’ refers to post-industrial sites, where, although existing like ‘cities within cities’, there is no conventional order like that of a city. There is no grid- not even a master plan. In terms of master planning, this creates a unique opportunity to use this inherent disorder to create something dynamic and wondrous, prompting a ‘dérive’, or unplanned journey, like the layout of a Medieval town. “Something incomplete, already like a ruin, is the opposite to the ‘neat solutions’ that destroy our world, always insisting on being right and always ending in disaster” (Burckhardt 101). The design for the site will acknowledge the ruins as ever-changing, and the master plan should respond to this dynamic state.

In ruinous landscapes, there is inherent balance. The palimpsest must use this ‘precarious balance’ between composition and decomposition (Maraniss) as a design element, as it plays a role in how we romanticize ruins. A palimpsest puts the weathering and decomposition process on display, acting as a piece of art or a tangible experiment in evolution and decay.

The first step in this design strategy will involve determining the ‘assets’ or the parts of the site which should be used to this effect. Beyond the inhabitable warehouses and sheds, the palimpsest looks at individual moments, spaces, or monuments which can be used to evoke memory in its different forms. These elements can be transformed or demolished in order to create or emphasize the desired effects.

Networks of pipes run overhead, creating a sense of enclosure and adding to the ‘street’ feeling created by  the surrounding buildings. Nature has begun to encroach on this area, adding another layer to the mysteries of the site.

Networks of pipes run overhead, creating a sense of enclosure and adding to the ‘street’ feeling created by the surrounding buildings. Nature has begun to encroach on this area, adding another layer to the mysteries of the site.

Acknowledging the aspects that make this space memorable while treating it as a palimpsest, how can it be altered to reinforce these unique feelings?

Acknowledging the aspects that make this space memorable while treating it as a palimpsest, how can it be altered to reinforce these unique feelings?


Brownfield Remediation


The largest deterrent in repurposing brownfield sites lies in the issue of contamination. Brownfield remediation can be a time consuming, expensive process which is often not as cost-effective (in a strictly economical sense) as developing a non-contaminated site. However, the sheer number of brownfield sites in the Midwest necessitates their cleanup and redevelopment, and the aforementioned value of their post-industrial monuments can, arguably, offset the high cost of brownfield remediation.

Using in situ remediation tactics can be a more affordable, tactile, and educational approach to creating a clean, healthy place for the community. Phytoremediation uses living planted material to clean environmental hazards through accumulation, degradation, or hydraulic control. Money is saved by remediating the soil and groundwater on site as opposed to removing and replacing soil, and by putting the process on display, it can become part of the experience, thereby educating the community about the dangers of pollution and inspiring visitors to take an interest in the environment.

Hyperaccumulating plants like sunflowers and Indian mustard, collect contaminants in the rhizosphere
and transfer them to the shoots which can then be harvested and smelted to be recycled back into metal. Non-hyperaccumulating plants like ryegrass can also be used to remediate the soil by breaking down the contaminants in the rhizosphere or the shoot, or by modifying the elements. Both types of remediation can be used throughout the 38- acre site. Areas of extreme contamination may need to utilized other methods of in situ remediation such as sealing the area off from the environment completely.

A combination of hyperaccumulating plants and non-hyperaccumulating plants can be used to remediate the soil.

A combination of hyperaccumulating plants and non-hyperaccumulating plants can be used to remediate the soil.


Remediating the soil at Mingo Junction represents a shift in riverfront usage, as well as a shift in our knowledge about the effects of industrialization on the environment. Using phytoremediation and in situ tactics allows the artificial landscape to remain, itself being a palimpsest of a bygone era, and the plantings add to the ‘precarious balance’ of the organic and the inorganic, a desirable feature of ruins. The plants involved in phytoremediation add to the ambiguity of the relationship between abandonment and nature, blurring the lines between the naturally invasive and the functional plantings.




Recreation

The closest riverfront recreation to Mingo Junction is 20 miles south in Wheeling Island, West Virginia.

The closest riverfront recreation to Mingo Junction is 20 miles south in Wheeling Island, West Virginia.


“In ruins movement is halted, and time suspended. Its decaying embrace was a refuge from a suburban time clock” (Woodward 36). Ruins act as an escape- they invite one to get lost in memory and imagination, to wander and dérive through the varied landscapes. After retaining a palimpsest and remediating the soil, a ruinous landscape has the potential to be the ultimate park, full of interest and discreet spaces and already containing an identity rife with history.

There is little park land in Mingo Junction, and shockingly little recreational use along the Ohio River. Developing the site as a park will represent the shift from a heavily polluted, industrial riverfront to a healthy, inhabitable place for Mingo Junction, as well as surrounding communities. The recreational component of the program is interwoven with the other layers, allowing the palimpsest, brownfield remediation, renewable energy and smaller-scale pieces to tell a story which highlights the ambiguity and paradoxes of the post-industrial ruins and exhibits the positive potential of a ‘rust belt’ identity.

The recreational piece of the program takes visitors on a journey throughout the 38-acre site, offering new vantage points and building a new layer of infrastructure on top of the existing. There will be no vehicular traffic on site, but a path for emergency vehicles and for the transportation of equipment will be necessary as part of the master plan. A parking lot with a minimum number of 50 spaces will be provided off site but within a short walking distance.


Renewable Energy


With abundant southern exposure and a strong west wind, the site is ideal for collecting renewable energy.

With abundant southern exposure and a strong west wind, the site is ideal for collecting renewable energy.

The Ohio River Valley contributed heavily to the pollution of the environment with its abundant steel mills, coal-fired power plants and mining. The shift from industrial to post-industrial has the potential to represent not only the cleaning up of soil and groundwater at the site, but also a shift to renewable energy, away from the use of coal. Many power plants still line both sides of the Ohio River, while other parts of the country are exploring the use of photovoltaics and wind to power their communities.

Like the other components of the master plan, the renewable energy layer is spread throughout the 38-acre site and relies on the development of the former components prior to its design. Using renewable energy will depend upon the ecological conditions of the site as well as brownfield remediation tactics- for instance, an area of extreme contamination which may need to be sealed off can potentially be used for renewable energy collection.



Building Plan



Mingo Junction has been, historically, an active, dynamic site. To bring in similar levels of activity, the program should offer a variety of uses that activate the site throughout all hours of the day. Agriculture, museum, and a maker-space combine to fulfill the needs of the community, utilizing existing infrastructure, adding to the history, and altering the identity.


Agriculture


A typical commercial greenhouse layout (left) and a section through a passive solar greenhouse (right). The linear warehouse building configurations easily lend themselves to agricultural use.

A typical commercial greenhouse layout (left) and a section through a passive solar greenhouse (right). The linear warehouse building configurations easily lend themselves to agricultural use.

Originally an agrarian region, Mingo Junction, like most towns in the Midwest, had an economy based on agriculture, but quickly abandoned it in favor of heavy industry. There is also limited availability of fresh produce in the town, so creating a center for agricultural production will be a large part of the transformation of the site.

The temperate climate of Ohio requires that greenhouses be completely clad, with adequate ventilation throughout. The existing sheds previously used for steel production can be transformed into greenhouses, retaining the steel skeleton of the building but manipulating the cladding to allow sunlight in to cultivate the crops. Passive solar will be explored through the use of thermal mass on the north side of the greenhouse, mitigating or reducing the need for heating the buildings.

A large commercial greenhouse will be operated by at least one full-time employee and is open to the public daily. This commercial greenhouse is composed of linear plant benches with a customer service desk and attached storage/work room.

A small, community greenhouse adjacent to the commercial greenhouse will supply the residents of Mingo Junction with space to grow their own gardens, and an attached open-air shed will be used as a space for the community to sell their goods on a regular basis.

The incorporation of greenhouses, like the use of phytoremediation, speaks to the inherent relationship between ruins and nature, adding to the ambiguities of the site by using existing, weathered infrastructure to support new growth. Visitors are left to speculate on vestiges of the former industry mixed with new infrastructure and materials required to support new life. By using a sustainable passive solar model for the design of the buildings, combined with the renewable energy and brownfield remediation plans, the negative connotations of the ‘rust belt’ identity begin to shift.

Commercial greenhouses typically range from 20-30 feet wide and 100-130 feet long, but since the existing structures will be used, the exact dimensions of the structures will be largely determined by the buildings on site. In addition to size, another factor in determining which structures will be used for agricultural purposes will be the orientation of the building to maximize solar gain.

Museum of Industry

The Museum of Industry offers a space for the community to reflect on their industrial heritage; to remember what has been lost, celebrate what remains, and offer a refuge for other post-industrial monuments of the region which are facing threats of demolition. The accumulation of artifacts in this space will provide a dynamic, ever-changing exhibit space for industrial objects, creating a unique, memorable stop along the recreational journey.


This part of the program is where the ultimate ambiguity exists; objects which were original to the site become mixed with transplants from other local post-industrial landscapes, creating a vast assembly of ‘anonymous sculptures’. As the only museum of industry in the entire Ohio River Valley, the museum will become a destination for travelers, contributing to the economy of the town through ticket sales and by attracting visitors to local businesses.


Industrialization involves much more than nuts and bolts, and the museum includes the process in its displays through the inclusion of mining and cultural artifacts. The museum uses existing infrastructure, and the size will be dependent upon the specific space that is chosen, with room to add to or modify the space in the future. Public restroom facilities will be shared by all parts of the program, and should be centrally located so as to be easily accessible from all parts of the park. The museum will be operated by one full-time employee, and a small (10x10) office should be provided as part of the building plan.

Manufactory

The Manufactory, or Additive Manufacturing Lab, is housed in one of the existing sheds on the site. This part of the program provides the next step in metal manufacturing through the processes of 3D printing, laser-cutting and CNC. The manufactory speaks to the site’s former industrial use; it uses the newest manufacturing technology to print metal objects in a space which greatly contributed to the rise of metal production in the Midwest. The manufactory preserves the industrial identity of the site in a way which secures the future industry and industrial heritage of Mingo Junction.

There are three steps involved in the additive manufacturing process: storage, production, and post-production. The production space will house large machinery, sometimes up to 20’ in length, while the storage and post-production areas must be located near large loading doors where objects can easily move into and out of the facility. Bathrooms, office space and break areas will be provided.

Bibliography

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Bergeron, Louis, and Maria Teresa Maiullari-Pontois. Industry, Architecture, and Engineering: American Ingenuity, 1750-1950. Harry N. Abrams, 2000.

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Mingo Juction in the 1940’s, image from Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel Corp. brochure.

Mingo Juction in the 1940’s, image from Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel Corp. brochure.

The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 6

Chapter 6: Mingo Junction

Mingo Junction, OH- west of Pittsburgh in Steel Valley.

Mingo Junction, OH- west of Pittsburgh in Steel Valley.

The site is located in Mingo, Junction, Ohio, a small town on the Ohio River across from West Virginia. It is
a former steel mill which has undergone recent demolition of some significant structures, but retains smokestacks and hot air stoves, as well as warehouses, sheds, and other buildings- some of which date back to before 1899. The town has a rich history, but the identity is historically so rooted in the (now defunct) steel industry, both physically and mentally, as to have no other identifying characteristics. It is a place frozen in time, yet overwhelmingly different from what it was fifty years ago. Abandoned or inhabited, desolate or bustling, Mingo Junction’s culture lies in the vast, artificial landscape along the river.

Pre-Industrialization

Although Mingo Junction, or ‘Mingo Town’, was never a permanent Indian settlement, it was a base for a Seneca tribe called the ‘Mingoes’. The term ‘Mingo’ means “emigrant or absentee”, describing the migration of this group of Senecas from New York state to Ohio (Bicentennial 5). Jefferson County was the site of a number of violent battles between settlers and the Seneca tribe.

Mingo Town was one of the earliest villages settled in Ohio, and from the river to the top of the hill, early family farms were established that supported the small village. The first railroad, the Steubenville and Indiana R.R., was built in 1853. This was the first step in the transformation of Mingo Junction from a rural farming village into an industrialized town.

Industrialization

Since American settlement, Mingo Junction has been a factory town; industrialism is part of its DNA. In 1860, ‘Mingo Town’ became the site of Mingo Iron Works directly after the arrival of the railroad, marking the permanent shift from an agricultural to an industrial community. The mill went through many owners and incarnations- at one point in the 19th century it operated as both a bar mill and a nail factory. Near the turn of the century, Mingo Junction added a Bessemer plant, and shortly after, the mill was acquired by Carnegie-Illinois (U.S. Steel), allowing it to expand and produce steel more rapidly and inexpensively.

In 1945, Wheeling Steel purchased all Mingo plant facilities, including the homes at Mingo Bottom, allowing expansion of the steel works. Eventually merging into Wheeling-Pittsburgh Steel, the company focused on producing intermediate products like pig iron, ingots and slabs that were sent to nearby mills for further processing.

Mingo Junction in 1899 with the steel mill in the foreground. Few buildings remain from this period, and the residential area south (left) of the steel mill has been completely industrialized.

Mingo Junction in 1899 with the steel mill in the foreground. Few buildings remain from this period, and the residential area south (left) of the steel mill has been completely industrialized.

The intense scene of the mill at its height of activity was witnessed by a traveler on a train in 1921, “thousands of lights, like fireflies, pick out the inky blackness. Along both sides of the river, for as far as the eye can reach, the scene is that of a vast summer garden, hung with Japanese lanterns. Here and there, great bursts of luminous smoke and vapor, copper-colored and pink and purplish white, rise into the air like huge flowered fireworks. A stranger to this locality might suppose it to be a spacious pleasure park until as he looked he would see a huge serpent of fire uncoil from some hidden nest and fling himself venomously up into the night, stabbing at the darkness with swift tongues of flame. And in the glare that lit up the scene for a moment, he could see that it was very far from being a garden of pleasure. He has been looking at the electric lights and the furnace fires of the mills and factories of Mingo” (Smith,Mason).

Mingo Junction was one of the earliest steel mills in the country, responsible for establishing the town plan and creating an identity and livelihood for the village and the community that resided there. According to a compiled history of the steel industry in Jefferson County, Ohio, the steel mill once accounted for 85% of the village of Mingo Junction’s budget. The site is very much defined by its industrialization, and it is imperative that any future development considers its rich history.

In addition to the steel industry, Mingo Junction was a mining town- Brettell Coal Company and Foote Mineral Company mined local resources which were then sent to the local steel mills. Harmony Tool and Die, a manufacturer of mine roof accessories, supplied coal industries throughout the Midwest, becoming the “Mine roof control capital of the world” (Bicentennial 53). These industries were still in operation when the 1970 Mingo Junction Bicentennial was published.


Deindustrialization


When owned by Carnegie Steel, the mill at Mingo Junction had 4 blast furnaces and numerous vast shed buildings. Today, the former Wheeling-Pittsburgh steel mill is a post-industrial site. This process formally began in 1985 when Wheeling-Pittsburgh filed bankruptcy. In 2008, a Russian-based company called Severstal purchased the plant and shut down the entire operation, and in 2012, a company called Frontier bought it and sold the old parts of the mill for scrap. For Mingo Junction, this meant that any hope of reviving the factory back to its glory days or preserving it vanished.

In 2014, Frontier exploded the ore bridge and demolished the two remaining blast furnaces and other structures on the older (northern) section of the site for scrap metal. On the south end of the site remains an electric arc furnace that was installed in 2004 and was purchased by ACERO Junction this year, putting it back into production for the first time since 2009.

Mingo Junction 1950’s (top), Mingo Junction 2000’s (middle), Mingo Junction 2017 (bottom).

Mingo Junction 1950’s (top), Mingo Junction 2000’s (middle), Mingo Junction 2017 (bottom).

By 1954, Wheeling Steel owned 11 mills within 30 miles along both sides of the Ohio River. Everything on the Ohio side of the river has been demolished except at Mingo Junction, and many buildings have been demolished on the West Virginia side or fa…

By 1954, Wheeling Steel owned 11 mills within 30 miles along both sides of the Ohio River. Everything on the Ohio side of the river has been demolished except at Mingo Junction, and many buildings have been demolished on the West Virginia side or face an uncertain future.

There is a clear distinction between the north and south end of the Mingo Junction steel mill site; on the north side there remains a discontinuity of structures- a hopeless cluster of buildings and smoke stacks that exist in a ruinous state. On the south side, there is another cluster of buildings with an electric arc furnace between them that has given the community a new sense of hope after a series of discouraging demolition efforts. However, when I was in Mingo Junction, there seemed to be little activity anywhere in the town, let alone near the riverfront where the steel mills sit.

As I recorded in my journal, “being in the ruins of the former Wheeling-Pittsburgh steel mill in Mingo Junction piqued my curiosity. What did this place look like when it was at its height of production? What was the circulation pattern of employees and materials? Why was the east wall of this building built at such an odd angle? Was this abandoned stock of bolts, pipes and miscellaneous pieces of metal manufactured locally? What was the reaction of the town when the blast furnaces were demolished? Do they want everything to be demolished?

Sites like these arise so many questions about the history and the future of a place. The blast furnaces used
to dominate the view from literally any vantage point in the town for well over a century, but have suddenly been reduced to nothing, not even a heap of dust. There remain two hot air stoves and six smokestacks on the north end which were inspiring in themselves but I imagine what it was like to be among the blast furnaces and I feel disheartened. This place is emotional, dramatic- it’s desolate and hopeless and the only businesses open downtown are anonymous bars, unwelcoming and nameless. It’s not a happy place, but the vibrant colors of the steel mill’s painted buildings and components could almost, taken out of context, evoke a sense of happiness.

This entire riverfront was ravaged by industry, and remains so, but much of the signs of industry have been removed, leaving a riverfront that is simply ravaged, without apparent reason. There is something very sad about a landscape ravaged without reason- it is vandalism, it is blasphemy. We destroy without planning for the future, but we must actually do at least as much planning in destruction as we do in construction- otherwise we are left with something completely meaningless and completely useless. There is still meaning at Mingo Junction! This is perhaps even more apparent in light of recent demolition. (We demolish, but for what?!) The south end of the steel mill is now somewhat operational, but for how long? What happens when it closes again? Such beautiful, functional conglomerations! Undeniably tied to place, built with steel almost certainly sourced from Pittsburgh or somewhere local.

Now the landscape is fragmented; I’m not sure how the hot air stoves relate to the smokestacks, or the smokestacks to the sheds and warehouses. I don’t know what the crumbling brick walls on the edge of the water once held, or why the disconnected pipe lay, disconnected, one half suspended in air, rusty, the other on the ground, injured, plants growing up around it. This small town on the edge of downtown (a city within a city) makes one wonder why anything is the way that it is. How do we make places like this accessible, so that everyone can safely experience the ambiguities of ruins, and so that the town of Mingo Junction no longer has to turn its back on the omnipresent, ghostly steel mill?

‘There is beauty in abandonment’, as urban explorers like to say, but there is also curiosity in abandonment, romanticism even in these untimely ruins, history and memory and identity so palpable in a place like this, that it can no longer be ignored. Time has seemingly stood still, but nature never stops encroaching. Where else can this be experienced? Only in mills and grain processing have we built such unique, sculptural places, so indescribably complex and unquestionably man-made, and we no longer build these things. Why do we reduce our creations to dust when we can actually reincorporate them so they can continue serving us, albeit in a much different capacity, all while reactivating the riverfront? We let everything resolve to the simplicity of economics, an eventuality we will inevitably regret, and this all-to-familiar disheartening feeling re-emerges...”

The ground was littered with iron ore pellets. I didn’t know what they were at the time, but I recall picking them up, curiosity piqued, and later came across the answer while conducting other research. This is the ultimate artificial landscape; vegetation or dirt can’t be seen anywhere near the railroad tracks because the land is littered with raw materials that have been heated and shaped into uniform pellets, in some areas perhaps layered up to a foot high.

Significance

“Mingo Junction gives us as good a cross section of the Valley as any we could have” (Smith, Mason). To have something left of this “cross section” of the Ohio River Valley is significant in itself, for, driving through the towns Steubenville and Yorkville, Ohio, and Follansbee, West Virginia, there is no indication of the industries that put the towns on the map in the first place. For some reason, Mingo has managed to retain pieces of its industrial heritage, meaning that it continues to be identified with the steel industry to some extent.

Context/Community

Mingo Junction was settled in 1860. The population has been steadily decreasing since the 1980’s, when the steel mill began suffering financial trouble. As established in Chapter 3: Deindustrialization, other industries and businesses followed; Commercial Street, with the blast furnaces towering in the background, was once lined with numerous successful businesses.

Mingo Junction’s economic stability depended on the steel mill. Like many small towns, the industry was the reason the town existed in the first place, so when the steel mill began to close, the population began to leave, along with all of the other businesses in the community. Commercial Street had shockingly little activity on a Saturday afternoon and only slightly more when I visited on the following Friday evening. The only activity I saw on Commercial Street consisted of a few cars driving through and people loitering outside of the Townhouse bar.

As I was leaving town after my first visit, I followed signs to ‘Pestas Country Store’ up the hill from the river. The vibrant colors, friendly service and quaint, clean store was a welcome contrast to the grittiness of Commercial Street and the steel mill. The store has been there for 86 years and is today the only store I saw in the area. They were happy to answer questions that they have probably been asked countless times, the most obvious being “what was the town like when the steel mill was operational?”. It was booming. Retail, hotels, barber shops, and restaurants populated Commercial Street and made it a fun, exciting place to be. Pestas Country Store has seen the drastic changes throughout both industrialization and deindustrialization.

As mentioned, the site is on the Ohio River, along which there has been little, if any, development for community use. Like most rivers, it has been neglected and polluted by industry, making it previously undesirable for habitation or activity along it. It remains one of the most polluted rivers in the country, but part of changing the outlook of the river lies in convincing communities of its value, both ecologically and recreationally.

The site runs parallel to Commercial Street, and there exists a pedestrian bridge that employees of the mill used to walk across to go from downtown to work or vice versa. Access to the pedestrian bridge is currently prohibited, but remains a strong connection between the site and the main street in Mingo Junction. Beyond the physical connections to the site, there is a strong visual connection, even after the blast furnaces have been removed. The smokestacks and hot air stoves, despite sitting at the bottom of the hill that the town climbs, can be seen from everywhere, their simple silhouettes towering above the modest homes that themselves seem to exist at an impressive altitude.

Surrounding Mingo Junction are other post-industrial steel towns whose populations have followed the same trend- Steubenville, Ohio lies 5 miles north with a population of 18,000 (down from 26,400 in 1980 but was around 37,000 at its peak), Follansbee, West Virginia is directly east with a population of 2,800 (down from 4,000 in 1980). Pittsburgh is 40 miles east, a city large and diversified enough to have effectively survived the effects of deindustrialization.

Existing Conditions

Site boundaries. Image from Google Earth.

Site boundaries. Image from Google Earth.

The site is approximately 38 acres, consisting of 13 buildings with a combined area of 126,650 SF. The existing buildings vary in age- a few of them were built pre-1899, and all of them were constructed before 1950. The buildings contain objects, completely undisturbed by vandals or explorers, giving the impression that operations were halted and moved to the south side of the complex rather abruptly.

Objects are also scattered around the landscape, both broken and in tact. Train cars, pipes, signs,
and unidentifiable objects exist as fragments of memories- some utterly unexplainable, some able to be pieced together from historic photographs or aerial views. The under-documentation of the site, specifically of its transformations and technological progressions, requires a certain amount of research to piece together, and many mysteries remain ambiguous.

The object fragmentation is mirrored by the fragmentation of the buildings themselves; buildings are scattered, seemingly arbitrarily, among the landscape. Upon a closer look, foundations can be spotted, and rectangular outlines of crumbling concrete begin to help tell the history of the site. The following sections document some of the existing structures and objects found on the site.

Monuments which somehow escaped demolition continue to tell passersby that this was once a prosperous place. They loom over the village, although they are only a tiny fraction of the monuments that were once surrounding it.


Ruins of the steel mill as seen between Pestas Country Store (right) and Pestas Gift Shop (left).

Ruins of the steel mill as seen between Pestas Country Store (right) and Pestas Gift Shop (left).

Smokestacks towering over Commercial Street.

Smokestacks towering over Commercial Street.

View from under the employee bridge on Commercial St.

View from under the employee bridge on Commercial St.

Building key.

Building key.

1) 44” Blooming Mill - shed left over from demolition.

1) 44” Blooming Mill - shed left over from demolition.

2) Boiler shop with attached sheds - one of the oldest buildings on the site.

2) Boiler shop with attached sheds - one of the oldest buildings on the site.

3) Power house - one of the oldest buildings on the site.

3) Power house - one of the oldest buildings on the site.

4) Pipe shop - one of the oldest buildings on site with angled, window-less wall which shows that there was once an adjacent building.

4) Pipe shop - one of the oldest buildings on site with angled, window-less wall which shows that there was once an adjacent building.

5) Power house/ blower building

5) Power house/ blower building

6) Heat treating plant

6) Heat treating plant

7) Employee bridge

7) Employee bridge

8) Main office

8) Main office

9) Office/Storage 11) Storage

9) Office/Storage
11) Storage

10) Lab

10) Lab

12) Smokestack left over from demolished blower engine house 13) Hot air stoves left over from blast furnace demolition 14) Smokestack left over from blast furnace demolition 15) Blast furnace ruins

12) Smokestack left over from demolished blower engine house
13) Hot air stoves left over from blast furnace demolition
14) Smokestack left over from blast furnace demolition
15) Blast furnace ruins

16) Ore yard remnants - muddy landscape 17) Access road - overgrown 18) Semi-operational steel mill

16) Ore yard remnants - muddy landscape
17) Access road - overgrown
18) Semi-operational steel mill

19) Downtown - Commercial Street

19) Downtown - Commercial Street

20) Uphill - residential area

20) Uphill - residential area

Interior conditions - a found composition of rubber spacers and rings inside building 4.

Interior conditions - a found composition of rubber spacers and rings inside building 4.

Switcher car inside building 6.

Switcher car inside building 6.

Interior of building 6 with safety signs stating, “Metatarsal Shoes Save Feet”, “Hard Hats Help Heads”, “Safety Glasses Save Eyes”, and “Safety Belts Are Mandatory”. Layers of change can be viewed in the paint and different tones of steel cladding o…

Interior of building 6 with safety signs stating, “Metatarsal Shoes Save Feet”, “Hard Hats Help Heads”, “Safety Glasses Save Eyes”, and “Safety Belts Are Mandatory”. Layers of change can be viewed in the paint and different tones of steel cladding on the walls.

Objects in the landscape - a series of abandoned switcher cars which once operated inside the steel mill lie overgrown and abandoned.

Objects in the landscape - a series of abandoned switcher cars which once operated inside the steel mill lie overgrown and abandoned.

Elevated pipes are terminated near the river’s edge.

Elevated pipes are terminated near the river’s edge.

A weathered piece of machinery rests in the landscape.

A weathered piece of machinery rests in the landscape.

The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 5

Chapter 5: The Significance of Ruins

Ruins of Ancient Rome.

Ruins of Ancient Rome.

Roman ruins have been considered to hold educational value since Medieval times, and empirical value since the Renaissance. Ruins have long been a popular subject matter of art and literature, and society’s infatuation with them can be easily exemplified through the erection of ‘false ruins’ throughout Europe in the 18th and 19th centuries. We value ruins for their ability to tell a story, as well as their ability to leave parts out of a story, allowing people to actively participate in the narrative through cognitive acts of memory and imagination.

Ruins also have the ability to give a place identity; when a place is lacking in distinct, identifying characteristics, ruins fill that void. This is as true in contemporary Rome and Greece as it is in the contemporary Midwest, where the idenfifying term ‘Rust Belt’ describes a region of ‘untimely’ ruins- objects in the landscape which seemingly have no value or potential for re-use.


What is a Ruin?


Ruins are, simply stated, the remnants of architecture. They need not be old, but have certainly suffered destruction through a state of neglect. They are abandoned structures, left to the ravages of time, yet existing in peace as two opposing forces in balance- being both man-made and a product of nature. Opinions on the aesthetics of ruins are subjective, but millions of people visit the Acropolis, the Roman Forum, or Machu Picchu every year to be among ancient ruins. Being among these structures gives us a sense of what it would have been like to live in a different time period with different technology, building techniques and social structures.

Ruins often contain many layers, making them palimpsests. The layers are complex, consisting of ambiguities, memories, and identity in (often) indecipherable assemblies, both alienating and intriguing in their unique, temporary forms.

Ruins are actually irreplaceable, necessary landmarks; “the understanding and interpretation of a landscape are linked to the preservation of its material landmarks, the irreplaceable artifacts of memory” (Bergeron 238). We can always remove ruins, but they can never be rebuilt or replaced- they are remarkably unique.


In Modern America

Ruins of the Industrial Midwest.

Ruins of the Industrial Midwest.


“Why have the ruins of our own time been so devoid of value- historically, culturally and scientifically?” (Olsen 4). America is still relatively young, but grew rapidly during industrialization. We have established in Chapter 3 some of the reasons why the country, specifically the Midwest, has become so ruinous, with its ‘fast’, ‘awkward’ ruins. These structures hit all the marks of what it means to be a ruin- they are often only remnants, offering glimpses of history and of a very different society, but lack the antiquity that is mistakenly thought to be a necessity for value. We have a strange relationship with ruins; “a simultaneous concern for ruins but an absolute intolerance for ruination” (Olsen 15). This holds true in cities, where land is at a premium and development happens quickly and even more true in small towns, where there is very little development, insufficient funds and little attention is paid by the outside world as to what has value and what gets demolished.

Modern buildings with their modern materials are not given the same respect as historic brick or wood buildings by the general public and preservationists, and therefore the ruination or dissolution of such buildings do not garner the same romanticism. The perceived value of ruins seems to be directly related to age. As a society, we don’t value something that is in the process of ruining, just things which have already been ruined and transformed by nature throughout centuries. “[The ruin’s] sanctity is not a matter of beauty or of use or of age; it is venerated not as a work of art or as an antique, but as an echo from the remote past suddenly become present and actual” (Jackson 91). If age is the determining factor in the perceived value of a ruin, perhaps we should not be so hasty when deciding to demolish our modern ruins.

The American distaste for ruins, however, goes much beyond issues of aesthetics or materiality- it is related to politics, and can be traced back to the founding of the country, when “ruins functioned in post-revolutionary America more as emblems of political peril than objects of aesthetic pleasure” (Yablon 30). For young America, ruins represented ‘the fragility of Republics’ (Yablon 30), and the ‘over-civilization’ (Marx 140) which was occurring as a result of the Industrial Revolution in Europe.

“Given the rapid and seemingly relentless process of capitalist urbanization in the U.S., its ruins typically proved ephemeral” (Yablon 11), accounting for the shocking lack of ruins and history among suburban America. Similar to how Ralph Waldo Emerson described America in his 1833 poem “America, My Country” as a “land without history”, one can gather the same impression when traversing the country today- the vernacular, contextual, local ruin is often quickly replaced with something completely devoid of context- a national or multi-national chain or strip mall.


Post-Industrial Ruins


Machinery, even when actively adding to communities, can be alienating. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, people manufactured on a small scale for oneself and one’s family, seeing the entire process through. The manufacturer is now so far removed from the end product, both physically and mentally, so as to be almost completely withdrawn from the daily task itself. The machinery then turns one into a machine, until eventually the production floods the market and there is no longer a job. Thus these inherently alienating forms, upon abandonment, become even more alienating because they are seemingly useless, and their complexities only make sense to those who were involved in their processes. Even “on town maps, industrial areas are often represented as grey patches, indicating that from an urban point of view they are completely uninteresting” (Braae 43), and there are therefore no efforts to tie them into the surrounding communities, even prior to their becoming obsolete. Ruins, and particularly post-industrial ruins, never stood a chance.

Industrial buildings are essentially modern buildings, with their functional appearance and materials like steel, concrete and glass. In recent years, we have deemed it worthy to save those mid-century structures which are inhabitable, but other, auxiliary structures without quantifiable value are demolished, puncturing the post-industrial landscape. These sites have arguably more value than other historic building sites, for they display a timeline of transformation among multiple disciplines (manufacturing, technology, engineering, architecture) over, in some cases, the span of a century or longer.

Post-industrial ruins are endangered; we have seen the demise of most of our industrial heritage to vandalism, scrappers (spolia), and developers. This deconstruction is common throughout the history of ruins; the Roman Forum was leased as a quarry after the fall of the Roman Empire; trümmerfrauen, or rubble women, helped deconstruct and reconstruct post-World War II Germany; copper and bricks are stripped from abandoned historic buildings in cities throughout the modern world. The public is fearful of the dangers of brownfield sites, and often blame the sites themselves for high levels of criminal activity in their neighborhoods. “The industrial ruin is the contemporary equivalent of the picturesque view of a decaying Roman amphitheater” (Dillon), but as a country, we have yet to realize it.

German photographer Bernd Becher describes industrial landscapes as “entities that rise up from their surroundings like anonymous sculptures or anonymous structures that define their environment’s appearance and have become like a second form of nature: organs of technical existence.” In this sense, industrial sites are already like ruins, hanging in that precarious balance between appearing both natural and man-made. Post-industrial ruins are simply untimely ruins, succumbing to ruination during a time when society has the means and methods of demolishing extensive tracts of land swiftly, sometimes removing the memories of a place before there is time to debate alternate possibilities.

Ambiguity

Ambiguity is just one of the layers of the palimpsest of post-industrial landscapes. “Incompleteness and fragmentation possess a special evocative power” (Treib 3); we are initially attracted to ruins because of their incompleteness. Pieces have been deliberately removed and pieces have succumbed to nature’s relentlessness, leaving unintelligible gaps in the reading of post-industrial landscapes- landscapes which already require a certain amount of curiosity and thoughtfulness to understand due to their already fragmented assemblies. “We are learning to see [preservation] as a new (or recently discovered) interpretation of history. It sees history not as a continuity but as a dramatic discontinuity, a kind of cosmic drama” (Jackson 101). Where ambiguity in design may have been viewed differently in the past, it is simply unavoidable in ruinous landscapes.

“When we contemplate ruins, we contemplate our future. To statesmen, ruins predict the fall of empires, and to philosophers the futility of mortal man’s aspirations. To a poet, the decay of a monument represents the dissolution of the individual ego into the flow of time; to a painter or architect, the fragments of a stupendous antiquity call into question the purpose of their art” (Woodward 3). The ability for different interpretations provides an exciting and dynamic framework for designers in the preservation of post-industrial landscapes. An ambiguous landscape can be whatever visitors want it to be, as long as it is accessible and engaging.

Paradox

In ambiguity, there is often paradox, and in post-industrial ruins, there exists many paradoxes which add to the overall complexity and subjectivity. For example, ruination implies weathering, which can be seen as enriching and can be considered to add aesthetic value, but is also known to cause decay and dissolution. While representing memories, ruins are actively destroying memories through natural processes of destruction. The very idea of this ‘natural process of destruction’ of a ruin can be viewed from two angles; ruins are lifeless, and this fact is either emphasized through the process of ruination or can be viewed as a reanimation, something empty and static coming alive again with nature’s intrusion.

The contrast between the ‘wild’ and the ‘cultivated’- the machine and the garden, goes back to the beginning of the country and the challenge of reconciling the two opposing forces. One can see the inevitable triumph of nature over industry, or the relentless fight of industry over nature because the traces of industrialization never actually go away.

Ruins, by definition, must go through a process of abandonment and dereliction, “there has to be that interval of neglect, there has to be discontinuity; it is religiously and artistically essential. That is what I mean when I refer to the necessity for ruins; ruins provide the incentive for restoration, and for a return to origins” (Jackson 102). They represent something that has been clearly unwanted and abandoned yet retain some sort of value once that interval is complete.

In the Midwest, the paradox of post-industrial ruins lies most evidently in the collective desire to both remember and forget them, for it represents both prosperity and hardship for the region. The ambiguity of post-industrialism gives validity to both memory and anti-memory, however, by destroying signs of past success we may also be destroying potential for future success.

The memories found in ruins can be either personal or collective, as each person has their own individual memories of a post-industrial site, but there also exists memories that are shared by communities. The fact that ruins hold memories is a bit of a paradox because the term ‘ruin’ denotes decay and destruction. This paradox is especially visible in the Midwest where ruins are constantly being demolished- where memories are crystallized in the form of ruins, but ruins, especially in this context, are perhaps the anti-memory in their ability to efface a place of it’s history.

The ability of ruins to evoke challenging questions is part of their allure. Are ruins alive or dead? Do they represent presence or absence?


Memory

19th century English tailors called wrinkles and tears ‘memories’ because they “memorized the interaction, the mutual constitution, of people and things” (Olsen 10) (Stallybrass 196). This challenges the conventional definition of memories, no longer being strictly psychological, but having a physical and tangible presence, and blurring the lines between memory and history. When Aldo Rossi argues in The Architecture of the City that assembly of forms can be read as a summary of human history in a place, he is essentially talking about buildings reading as a timeline of collective memory.

Ambiguity allows us to create stories based somewhat on memory but relying on visual stimulus. It combines memory with imagination, often confusing the two and encouraging us to think about the relationship between them. It prompts memory in terms of the past, present and the future.

“Built structures, as well as mere remembered architectural images and metaphors, serve as significant memory devices in three different ways: first, they materialize and preserve the course of time and make it visible; second, they concretize remembrance by containing and projecting memories; and third, they stimulate and inspire us to reminisce and imagine” (Treib/Palaasma 2). Because these sites possess ‘layers of time’, which can be actively identified on a journey through the landscape, post-industrial ruins prompt us to remember something from our own lives or something from historical discourse, either about the site specifically or as a recollection of something related. This unique experience also prompts us to form memories in the present, as unique experiences, thoughtfulness, and the feeling of discovery often do. The fragmentation and incompleteness also has the power to encourage imagination, evoking images of the future of what the site could be or once was.

“Ruination can be seen as a mode of disclosure or revelation, and thus a form of recovering or bringing forth new or different memories” (Desilvey). A journey through a ruinous landscape can be a dynamic journey through uncovering the history of a place, with its discreet memories and ephemeral presence that changes with the seasons.

Identity

The ‘Rust Belt’ identity of the Midwest remains, but seems to be shifting back to more of a rural/agricultural identity. This shift skips over the most influential, transformative piece of the Midwest’s history. While the ‘Rust Belt’ moniker has negative connotations, it at least harkens back to the region’s industrial heritage and its influence on the urbanization of the country.

In order to not forget a large part of the Midwest’s culture and to retain an identity that is based on this culture, we must retain some physical pieces of it. In order to retain some physical pieces of it, we must recognize its value as it stands. As established in Chapter 4: Case Studies, one of the most difficult aspects of Haag’s design at Gas Works Park and Latz + Partners ongoing efforts to preserve post-industrial sites is convincing the public of the value of the site.

Post-industrial sites, with their alienating and desolate presence, can lack meaning for anyone who doesn’t have a direct relationship with them. In order for the public to give them value, the site must hold some sort of meaning on both an individual and a collective level. The precedent studies show that the designer can give meaning to the site, or rather make the meaning more apparent by exploiting the ambiguities and paradoxes as memory devices. Essentially, Ambiguity = Memory = Identity, where the vagueness of the landscape’s existing conditions, combined with design interventions, add to the idiosyncratic experience and begin to alter the identity of a place.

The weathering and ruination of post-industrial sites, working with the uniqueness of the sites themselves, have the ability contribute to place identity, adding meaning and significance for the community and ultimately contributing to community individuals’ conceptions of self.

To retain cultural and place identity, the region must be a palimpsest. Development can and must occur, things change and fall apart, but there must remain vestiges of the past in order to form a coherent present.

The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 4



Chapter 4: Case Studies



Researching case studies has helped to determine and highlight what little effort has been made in America to preserve industry, compared with larger, more creative and effective efforts in Germany. By studying a range of examples, some of which have been left out of this document, we can begin to paint a picture of efforts in America against efforts in other parts of the world, both in terms of post-industrial sites as well as other types of buildings, showing potential for improvement and adaptability.

Other research included Sloss Furnaces in Birmingham, Alabama, Bethlehem Steel in Pennsylvania, Steelyard Commons in Cleveland and Carrie Furnace in Pittsburgh. There were also other preservation theories that have contributed to my research, including the work of Inger and Johannes Exner at Koldinghus Chapel, Sverre Fehn’s Hedmark Museum, and the relevant writings of John Ruskin and Viollet-Le Duc, all of whom offer different perspectives on the ideas of preservation and restoration.



Gas Works Park



Gas Works Park. Photo by Helen Holter.

Gas Works Park. Photo by Helen Holter.

Gas Works Park, a former gasification plant built from 1906 and into the 1940’s on a 19.1-acre site, was decommissioned in 1956. The city wanted to use the site for a public park with the intention of demolishing the existing structures and starting with a blank site. Thus, Gas Works Park, one of the first post-industrial landscapes to be transformed into public space, faced its biggest challenges in the effort to change the popular opinion surrounding the value of the structures.

Being the first project of its kind, it was highly influential to other projects of the same nature that soon followed and proves the ability to persuade political and public opinion by including them in the design process. Simply gaining approval of the project involved coordination among multiple disciplines: scientists, engineers, politicians, photographers, architects and landscape architects.

Haag describes the site as he found it, “no sensuous earth forms, but a dead level wasteland; no craggy outcroppings, but peaks of rusty roofs; no thickets, but a maze of tubes and pipes; no sacred forests, but towering totems of iron; no seductive pools, but pits of tar; and no plants (not even invasive exotics) had been able to secure a root hold in 15 years” (Weilacher 108). His affinity for Gas Works Park was in the artificiality of it- its ability to invite awe and wonder at its alien structures and conglomerations.

Gas Works Park set a precedent for the very possibility of preserving and repopulating post-industrial landscapes. Because this project was so early in the timeline of post-industrial reuse, there is less interaction and intervention with the existing structures than projects that came after it, thus the influential power of the design is largely symbolic. One of the greatest benefits of preserving physical ruins such as those at Gas Works Park is in the tangibility of the structures, but this project did not allow for direct interaction between visitors and the structures. Like many efforts to preserve post-industrial landscapes in America, a fence is eventually erected around the structures and they exist as simply a backdrop to daily life, limiting the amount of meaning that the site can add to the community.

Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord

Piazza Metallica, Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord. Photo by Latz+Partner.

Piazza Metallica, Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord. Photo by Latz+Partner.

Landscape Park, formerly the Duisburg Meiderich Ironworks in the Ruhr District of Duisburg, Germany, was originally constructed in 1902 on a 568-acre site and decommissioned in 1985.

Like Gas Works Park in Seattle, the public wanted to demolish the existing structures in order to revert the site to an idyllic, “natural” state that may have never existed in the first place. This project argues that the need for these picturesque parks was a thing of past centuries, while this century has its own needs which differ significantly.

Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord proves that, by setting up physical interactions between visitors and structures, post-industrial landscapes can become accessible, inviting, and extremely interesting sites that allow people to create their own interpretations of their industrial heritage. In the Piazza Metallica (above), found materials on site were relocated to create a gathering space, putting the materials and their weathering properties on display and adding meaning to both the objects and the lives of the people who use them.

The formerly inaccessible, daunting site now attracts more than 500,000 visitors per year. Again, much like at Gas Works Park, the public can be convinced of the merit of something once they are shown the potential. Through intriguing graphics and diagrams, Latz + Partners made the public excited about what the site could become, and convinced everyone of the value that the “meaningless” structures could have. By allowing the existing structures to determine the site, program, park and structures are totally interwoven and functional.

Latz + Partner used vivid graphics to convey their ideas and excite the clients and the public about their plans. Graphics by Latz + Partner.

Latz + Partner used vivid graphics to convey their ideas and excite the clients and the public about their plans. Graphics by Latz + Partner.

A slide goes through an existing concrete wall as part of the playground at Landschatfspark. Photo by Jane Sebire. 

A slide goes through an existing concrete wall as part of the playground at Landschatfspark. Photo by Jane Sebire. 

This project introduced me to the idea of using the existing intricacies of a fragmented, artificial landscape
to create new relevance in a community. Visitors are encouraged to explore the depths of the steel mill, introducing people to new experiences and encouraging curiosity and imagination. “Everyone who uses the park has a different park. Someone is coming to study old blast furnaces, and someone is coming to plant a small garden. Totally different” (Lubow).

Like at the Coliseum where exotic plant species grew from the imported animals, exotic plants grew
in the former steel mill that were incidentally shipped in with imported aggregates; around 200 plants found at Landschaftspark were not native to Northern Germany (Weilacher 124). Latz + Partners design “displays [the site’s] temporality as proudly as its artificiality” (Lubow), which is perhaps the ultimate takeaway; when a landscape has been extremely altered, it will never be returned to its ‘natural’ state, whatever that state may be. We should learn to embrace this fact in landscape and site design.

Castelvecchio Museum

Castelvecchio Museum façade layers. Photo by Roberto Ruager.

Castelvecchio Museum façade layers. Photo by Roberto Ruager.

Castelvecchio is a 14th century castle located in Verona, Italy and restored by Carlo Scarpa between 1958 and 1974. The castle underwent many changes over the centuries before Scarpa was hired to restore it and renovate it to be used as a museum. Scarpa’s work represents a different position on restoration, one in which the history takes precedence over the more formal (and common) definition of preservation, in which architects would ‘restore’ a building to a specific, arbitrary time period.

Restorations at the time were usually very conservative in their interventions, never incorporating modern materials but instead sticking to historic, period-specific materials. Scarpa chose to make deliberate interventions including selective demolition, removing the previous renovation almost in its entirety, peeling back layers to reveal underlying materials, and using steel and glass that subtly highlight the new against the old. By revealing joints and using contemporary materials, he successfully created a dialogue between historic and contemporary, one that is clearly legible for visitors, but not overwhelmingly obvious or heavy-handed. “Castelvecchio is a densely layered ‘spatio-temporal’ experience, filled with innumerable details revealing the laminations of the history of human occupation of this place, allowing the building to be experienced as a series of spatial joints, simultaneously new and old, thereby weaving history into the present moment” (McCarter 159). This idea of emphasizing the ‘spatio-temporal’ as a new way to think about architectural restoration was highly influential to my project.

Scarpa’s work at Castelvecchio introduced another compelling idea that may be applicable to reusing post- industrial sites: selective demolition. By highlighting certain moments in a fragmented landscape, designers can create a story for visitors that helps them understand the context of the site throughout history; a story that may be otherwise lost through the cluttered masses of heavy industry. Scarpa was consistently inspired by different parts of the site which he discovered over his sixteen years there; the idea to use polished, ‘shimmering’ concrete floors was inspired by the moat that surrounded the castle and the image of that moat once filled with water (McCarter 158). Post-industrial landscapes can be viewed in the same way as Scarpa’s medieval castle at Verona: as works whose value lies in the history of human occupation and intervention, and whose story can be most effectively told through a series of experiences.


Ruhr Museum (Zollverein Coal Mine)

The new entrance elevator, as seen among the architectural language of the coal washery. Photo by Anselm van Sintfliet, OMA.

The new entrance elevator, as seen among the architectural language of the coal washery. Photo by Anselm van Sintfliet, OMA.


The Ruhr Museum is located in Essen, part of the Ruhr District near Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord. The museum is housed in the former coal washery of the Zollverein Coal Mine, and the renovation was designed between 2001 and 2007 by OMA. The museum displays the natural and cultural history of the region, as they are inseparable from the region’s rich industrial history.

The building is largely left untouched; machinery and weathered walls exist among artifacts gathered from other parts of the Ruhr District. In this way, the building itself becomes part of the exhibit, and an ambiguity is created between the objects on display and the parts that were original to the building.

The most noticeable design intervention by OMA is the entrance. The original form of the building consisted of chutes and conveyers connecting various buildings on site, and the new entrance continued this dialogue by acting as another ‘leg’ extending out of the building.

The former Zollverein coal mine now attracts over 500,000 visitors a year, and adds to the impressive cultural preservation that has been taking place in the Ruhr District over the last few decades. Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord, the Ruhr Museum, and many other post-industrial monuments create a place where the community can reflect on their past, using it to create new uses for the present and imagining its future. The Ruhr District celebrates its past prosperity, and actively makes efforts to preserve its history, turning post-industrial spaces into lively, active destinations for every type of person.

Artifact exhibits live among the historic remains of the coal washing plant. Photo by Brigida González.

Artifact exhibits live among the historic remains of the coal washing plant. Photo by Brigida González.



The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 3

Chapter 3: Deindustrialization: Formation of the Rust Belt

Deindustrialization occurred more rapidly than industrialization, beginning in the middle of the 20th century and lasting into the present. The result has been a different kind of transformation- abandonment and subsequent demolition of historical monuments with their associated memory and history. “Gaping holes could be found in cities across the region and mirrored the emotional loss felt by residents and industrial workers. As always, emptiness disturbs and empty spaces beg for explanation” (High 6). As pointed out by author Steven High in his book Industrial Sunset: The Making of North America’s Rust Belt, 1969-1984, deindustrialization manifested itself as a depression, a disaster - albeit on a smaller scale than the national economic collapse of the 1930’s or the Dust Bowl, but bore comparison to both.

Cause

There were a variety of causes responsible for the deindustrialization of the Midwest and, like industrialization, the timing of various factors coincided in such a way as to create reciprocity. It was a time when politics, economics and technology were changing rapidly, and the realities of the machine age and its effect on the environment were becoming apparent. This became especially true after World War I, when the “potentially positive” force of machinery was challenged (Lange 20).

Politics, Economics, Technology

The “inevitability” of the deindustrialization of the Midwest can be easily contested when contrasted with parallel industries in Canada, which didn’t close a single steel or auto assembly plant between 1969 and 1984 (High 130). The semantics were different; American politicians and mill owners used the word ‘closed’ more often than ‘shutdown’, and in Canada there was no comparison with other disasters like the American anxiety and fears of enduring another depression. The Midwest shutdowns were spoken of with a sense of permanence, while Canadians remained optimistic that their shutdowns were only temporary.

As urbanization became the result of industrialization, land prices and property taxes began to increase
in cities. Corporations began to look for real estate outside of the city center, leaving the towns that they once established scrambling to find new industry and new purpose, with the hulking, empty shell of the abandoned factory in the background.

There are unavoidable technological investments that must be made in order to keep factories relevant. In the Midwest, there was a conscious decision to not update existing technology in existing factories; as High states, “there was nothing inevitable about the aging process.” When owners saw the opportunity to move their factories to cheaper land and avoid unionization, they neglected to update the technology and the buildings and machinery inevitably fell behind. Aside from neglecting to update the facilities, the technology was advancing and the processes were changing quickly, requiring fewer workers for production in the modern, up to date factories. As the president of Wheeling Steel wrote to its shareholders in 1954- “the only constant in a successful steel business is constant change”- this is not only true for the steel industry but for all industries, and was a concept recognized early among corporations.

Timeline of deindustrialization in the Midwest.

Timeline of deindustrialization in the Midwest.

1950-1970


American corporations began decentralizing, moving their operations outside of the city center, or moving
to the south, or the ‘Sun Belt’, where the pressures of unionization were less popular. As corporations began moving, so did the population. While 1950 marked the height of production for some industries in the Midwest, specifically the rubber industry, it marked the beginning of decline for others, like the automobile industry, which began moving its factories outside of Detroit and into the suburbs.

This relocation produced very different building types- no longer hindered by the extents of a city block, factories became sprawling, one story complexes surrounded by vast parking lots due to the fact that everybody now had to drive to work. As automobile factories moved out of the city, so did suppliers- smaller factories and machine shops moved and, given that one-sixth of the nation’s jobs were somehow related to the auto industry (Sugrue), this movement had a significant negative effect on cities across the Midwest.


1970-1990


In an effort to compete in a global market, corporations were faced with the decision to either outsource
or update technology to the point where very few workers were required to do the work that once took dozens to complete. The steel industry began to experience this decline in the 1980’s, and cities like Gary, Youngstown, Cleveland and towns along both sides of the Ohio River began rapidly losing their population. In Youngstown, the population dropped from 170,000 in the 1950’s to 95,000 in 1990, and similar trends can be seen across the region where intense periods of prosperity led to intense periods of depression and collective belonging was replaced with collective displacement.

In the 1970’s, the second oil crisis led to a demand for small cars. American factories were not equipped to handle this demand, so people began outsourcing their vehicles. This signaled the beginning of the decline of the American automobile industry, which, in retrospect, seemed like an inevitability given the recent decline of other, related industries in the region. 20,955 factories closed in the Midwest between 1963 and 1982 (High 115).


1990-present


Gary, Indiana remains the largest steelmaker in the country, but employs one-fifth of the workforce that it
used to (Terry) due to technological advancements and outsourcing. On a recent trip through the Midwest, Gary’s reputation as “an ash heap in the northwest corner of Indiana, a grimy, barren steel town” (Sisson) was confirmed. No longer operated by U.S. Steel, the artificial landscape surrounding the city is owned and operated by a multinational corporation called ArcelorMittal, a company which now owns the majority of the remaining steel industry in America.

An unused, dilapidated shed in the ArcelorMittal steelyard in Gary.

An unused, dilapidated shed in the ArcelorMittal steelyard in Gary.


Gary’s operational steel mill is surrounded by outdated incarnations of past steel mills, all of which is virtually inaccessible and fenced off, barely visible to the public. The acres and acres of artificial landscape in and surrounding Gary is both intriguing and alienating, a feeling only intensified by the newly constructed casino located directly in the center of the industrial land. In front of one of the factories sits an unfinished overpass leading to the casino whose construction began in 2012 but remains unfinished, hovering and already beginning to show signs of weathering despite never having been used.


An abandoned, historic U.S. Steel building in the foreground with ArcelorMittal in the background. The unfinished highway sits between these two buildings.

An abandoned, historic U.S. Steel building in the foreground with ArcelorMittal in the background. The unfinished highway sits between these two buildings.

All of Gary exists like this; it is a timeline of its former selves; it is “American history in microcosm. You can see the 20th century of America simply by looking at Gary” (Sisson). The city can’t afford to demolish abandoned structures, so their future is ultimately left to the forces of nature. Streets that appear to be wooded with forests on either side, upon closer inspection, are hiding modest abandoned houses, seemingly untouched for decades. Gary remains ‘Steel City’ not only in terms of steel production but also in how it actively represents both the rise and fall of the industry.

Marktown, a neighborhood just west of Gary, is a company town founded by Mark Manufacturing in 1917. It is an island surrounded by steel and oil refineries, fighting for preservation as BP encroaches on its land. Architecturally, Marktown is described as an English village, with “pastel-hued homes with gabled roofs, where residents famously park on the sidewalks and walk in the narrow streets” (Pete). Like nearby Gary, Marktown’s history is even more endangered due to its small size and relative anonymity. Lacking any formal protection, the neighborhood is falling into disrepair. Marktown represents the struggle that is the direct result of deindustrialization- a failure to see the value and uniqueness of our industrial heritage after it has stopped contributing economically.


Marktown housing with the BP Refinery towering behind.

Marktown housing with the BP Refinery towering behind.

Marktown neighborhood bordered by the BP Refinery, ArcelorMittal Steel, United States Gypsum, Sargent Electric, and Praxair, Inc. Image from Google Earth.

Marktown neighborhood bordered by the BP Refinery, ArcelorMittal Steel, United States Gypsum, Sargent Electric, and Praxair, Inc. Image from Google Earth.

From 1990 into the present, the Midwest has been painfully devoid of industry. There are currently nine integrated steel mills in operation in the United States, which was the number of steel mills in Cleveland alone as early as the 1880’s. Today, Cleveland’s steel mill is operated by ArcelorMittal, which owns vast amounts of land along the Cuyahoga River in south Cleveland. Upon visiting, it is evident that the operation used to be even larger than it is today; attempts have been made at preserving some of the heritage in the form of a ‘Steel Heritage Center’ and a shopping center called ‘Steelyard Commons’. While the efforts are commendable, the result is somewhat disappointing, if not fascinating, in some of the (unintentional) juxtapositions it has created.

Zoning seems to have mandated that businesses either preserve an existing steel structure on site or incorporate steel into the design, for a rusting utility bridge sits adjacent to a newly constructed Five Guys, Wal-Mart uses a series of steel trusses, not structurally, but simply to mark the entrances and exits, and Burger King’s sign rests atop a steel box truss. Among the chain retail stores, there stands a beautiful brick shed building that reads “ArcelorMittal Steel Heritage Center” which appears to have been closed for an indeterminate period of time. On the nearby railroad tracks sits a hot metal bottle car which was once used to transport materials between buildings. Like an open-air museum, the railroad car and the utility bridge have signs that explain their history.

The ArcelorMittal Steel Heritage Center, a building relocated in 2006 from a nearby steel mill to be used as a museum, ap- pears to have been closed for an indeterminate period of time.

The ArcelorMittal Steel Heritage Center, a building relocated in 2006 from a nearby steel mill to be used as a museum, ap- pears to have been closed for an indeterminate period of time.

A hot metal bottle car remains on the former steel mill site with a historic plaque adjacent to a walking trail. The operational steel mill can be seen in the background.

A hot metal bottle car remains on the former steel mill site with a historic plaque adjacent to a walking trail. The operational steel mill can be seen in the background.



Steel heritage in Cleveland - a utility bridge adjacent to a fast food chain.

Steel heritage in Cleveland - a utility bridge adjacent to a fast food chain.

Carrie Furnace in Homestead, Pennsylvania has been given a similar attempt at preservation. The blast furnaces and associated historic brick factory buildings have been fenced off, open occasionally for tours but mostly just existing as a visual reminder of what once existed, arguably better than completely demolishing the structures because its monstrous presence does prompt curiosity, especially when viewed from across the Monongahela River, where one can almost imagine a time when it felt less empty. A ‘heritage center’ has also been established here, where very few historic remnants are scattered among retail chain stores.

Carrie Furnace, as seen from behind the barbed wire fence, where access is extremely limited. The field in the foreground was once covered with clusters of sheds and mills.

Carrie Furnace, as seen from behind the barbed wire fence, where access is extremely limited. The field in the foreground was once covered with clusters of sheds and mills.

Effect


The effects of deindustrialization can be felt in different towns and cities of varying sizes throughout the Midwest, but the effects are strikingly similar. Places that once had double their current population are deserted, painfully devoid of industry and, naturally, devoid of the development that occurred as a direct result of industrialization. Abandonment, poverty, stigma, and a lost sense of identity pervade the region, and attempts at preservation have failed to effectively incorporate the industrial heritage into contemporary life.

Deindustrialization has effectively killed the Heartland. When industry moves in, other industries and businesses follow, along with increased population. When industry moves out, it has the inverse effect. Through the deindustrialization of the Midwest, we have seen how industry was powerful enough to create, transform, and ultimately destroy cities.


Abandonment, Poverty, Stigma, Identity


The term ‘Rust Belt’ first occurred in the 1980’s and was a transformation of the term ‘Rust Bowl’ which had been floating around for years. Both terms refer to the deindustrialization of the Midwest, a period we have established to have been marked by extreme economic decline, population loss, and urban decay. It could be argued that the term has hastened the decline of the region, for it has helped to produce a nationwide stigma that associates the Midwest with visuals of dilapidation, grime, and poverty.

“Deindustrialization just doesn’t remove the wages, the jobs, the pride—it removes that foundation that undergirds the churches, the social institutions. The soul of the city is tied up in industrial work and now, for most people, that work is gone” (O’Hara). Beyond the visual and quantifiable effects of deindustrialization, there are the psychological; “people go outside, see their city looking a certain way, and say, forget it” (Sisson). Lack of industry has led to widespread poverty and poor education which has resulted in high levels of crime. Gary, once an ‘all- American’ city, has completely substituted this former identity; in the early 2000’s it was named the ‘murder capital of the U.S.’, and other former factory towns like Detroit, Flint, Youngstown, and Cleveland never fail to top the list. The psychological effects of abandonment and poverty can be extreme.

Some of these cities and towns lost over half their population in half a century, and signs of any previous success or prosperity have been removed or left to collapse, resulting in a sudden loss of place identity, cultural identity and collective memory. The sudden shift from ‘Middle West’ to ‘Heartland’ to ‘Rust Belt’ within a century, with the stark contrast between the positive connotations of the former and the negative connotations of the latter has resulted in an identity crisis. With no signs of a former, different life, and no indication that the future will be any different, the region is consumed by a sense of hopelessness. In response to recent movements to predict and demolish ‘at-risk’ neighborhoods, CityLab writer Richey Piiparinen states, “We don’t know the future. Rust Belt cities need to stop planning that there isn’t one.” The article goes on to say that “demolishing a lot of houses might be removing that neighborhood’s chance to revive in the future” and this could be expanded to cover not only houses, but any infrastructure that could be reused or could contribute to the collective memory and history of place, including the “anonymous sculptures” (Becher) of industry.

“The traces of industrialization sometimes disappear swiftly, without proper research or documentation, thus threatening the important heritage of the industrial landscape that developed over the last two centuries” (Bergeron 218). Historic preservation and industrial archaeology are still relatively new fields, and the Midwest’s contributions throughout history have been largely overlooked.

The identity for the indeterminate future is that of the ‘Rust Belt’, evoking images of decay, weathering materials, and monstrous, inaccessible structures. The region must choose to either romanticize this stigma, using the ruins in new, creative ways, or risk losing both past and present identities, cultural heritage, and memories.

Gary, Indiana. Fall 2017.

Gary, Indiana. Fall 2017.

An overgrown industrial shed in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, once known as “Tube City”.

An overgrown industrial shed in McKeesport, Pennsylvania, once known as “Tube City”.


The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 2

Chapter 2: Industrialization: Formation of the Heartland

The Midwest, as defined by the Ohio River and the Great Lakes.

The Midwest, as defined by the Ohio River and the Great Lakes.

It wasn’t until the industrialization of the region that it was given a name to differentiate it from the rest of the western part of the country; the term Midwest did not appear until 1880’s or 1890’s (Shortridge) and the ‘borders’ of this region have changed many times. For our purposes, we will define the Midwest by the region bounded by the Great Lakes and the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers, for it is within these states that heavy industry was established on a large, unprecedented scale.

The region’s convenient location, near the more populous Northeast and Middle Atlantic sections of the county, with its abundant waterways, fertile soil and natural resource deposits, made it ideal for settlement and industry. The location became especially relevant in terms of manufacturing during the Civil War, for the Midwest was most convenient to ship from.

While Europe was ahead in terms of the establishment of large-scale industry, it was America that prompted the sleek, functional aesthetic of the modern factory, its roots appropriately planted in the Midwest, a region known for its rationality and self-reliance. From early grain elevators to the vast, integrated industrial complexes of the early 20th century, industrialization intensely transformed every aspect of life. “[The factory] is the only type of contemporary architecture which shows no uncertainty, indecision, or traces of a once-universal eclecticism” (Nelson 12), and while it was highly influential to architectural movements, it was also influential to art, culture and society in general. Considering this, “the factory is no less significant than the medieval cathedral, which also in its time reflected the dominance of another force of worldwide importance” (Nelson 13). Industrialization also spawned urbanization, requiring housing and commercial districts to be constructed near industry and resulting in density and necessitating urban planning.

Timeline of industrialization in the Midwest.

Timeline of industrialization in the Midwest.


1800-1850



During the rise of the Industrial Revolution in Europe, the Midwest was primarily rural- it was a landscape dotted with wooden grain elevators, silos, and the industrial buildings associated with agricultural production. Industrialism as a changing way of life was not yet a concept, but Americans were determined to control industrialization, so as to not allow the ‘over-civilization’ which was occurring in Europe. The founders desired a ‘Middle Landscape’, a settlement somewhere between uncivilized and industrialized, but failed to establish where and when to draw the line.

Early, wooden grain elevators used vernacular materials and massing. Situated near railroads, the buildings often generated entire town plans.

Early, wooden grain elevators used vernacular materials and massing. Situated near railroads, the buildings often generated entire town plans.

Early grain elevators were vernacular structures, built using locally sourced timber and assemblies of shapes and massing common in barn and farmhouse design. These grain elevators were the tallest structures around, a feature magnified by the miles and miles of flat land surrounding it. They were located along railroad tracks, and often became the landmark that established the town, thereby generating the entire town plan. This ‘lonesome’ grain elevator is a strong representation of the ‘Middle Landscape’- a small business surrounded by both agricultural and wild landscapes, supporting a small, civilized population. Despite early developments towards industrialization, the region was proud of its agricultural roots, and believed that agriculture would continue to be the ticket to prosperity, and that other goods would continue to be imported from Europe.

The first phase of industrialization consisted of major transportation advancements in the form of railroads and canals that enabled trade throughout the region. Wrought iron was used in the production of railroad tracks, railcars and steamboats, so there were small iron furnace operations throughout the Midwest. Early iron furnaces, structures used to convert iron ore to pig iron using coke, were large stone stacks.

Early iron furnaces were stone stacks- small operations whose locations depended upon iron ore deposits.

Early iron furnaces were stone stacks- small operations whose locations depended upon iron ore deposits.

Like all of the early industries in the Midwest, iron production was common because of the abundance of locally sourced materials; Indiana, Kentucky, Ohio, West Virginia and Pennsylvania had abundant beds of hardwoods, iron ore and limestone deposits. Agriculture, mining and wood product manufacturing were all important to the industrialization of the Midwest, but it was advancements in the iron industry that made transportation development possible, and transportation advancements that in turn made large scale industrialization a reality. This give-and-take between transportation and factory growth/scale was ongoing, and gave rise to the Midwest as the industrial heart of the country.

1850-1900

The middle of the 19th century was marked by the first large scale transformation of the landscape in the still sparsely populated region. The idea of maintaining a ‘Middle Landscape’ was largely forgotten already, and the areas in and around Cleveland, Ohio and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania were at the forefront of iron production in the U.S., transitioning into mass production of steel with the discovery of the pneumatic process and invention of the Bessemer Converter in 1856. This process introduced air into pig iron, removing impurities and allowing the production of steel, as opposed to iron, in large quantities.

The Civil War necessitated production of iron on a larger scale, and the output doubled while the price nearly quadrupled during the war (Casson 3). However, “the greatest need of the world was cheap steel” (Casson 4); iron was cheap to produce, but wasn’t strong enough to support the growing railroad network or other advancements in building and manufacturing. It wasn’t that steel couldn’t be produced, it was that the processes and fuel quantities involved made it unaffordable and impractical.

Wrought iron and cast iron were still considered novel building materials due to high manufacturing cost and were rarely used in architecture. It was used in World’s Fair exhibits- The Crystal Palace was built in 1851 of cast iron, the Eiffel Tower in 1889 of wrought iron, and the Galerie Des Machines of the same year was constructed of iron and steel. In America and Europe, iron was also being used in the construction of bridges and railroads, and cast iron was used for some building façade components. This changed in the last decade of the 19th century, when long-span steel structures started being used for train sheds, notably at Broad Street Station in Philadelphia in 1892. Coinciding with the use of long-span steel structures, major cities began experimenting with structural steel frames, allowing buildings to grow taller.

The pneumatic process, later referred to as the Bessemer Process, paved the way for steel production. William Kelly of Kentucky discovered that air could be used as fuel in steelmaking, and Henry Bessemer of Great Britain perfected the machinery. In 1851, the first converter was built, and “oxygen, which may be had without money in infinite quantities- was now to become the creator of cheap steel” (Casson 6). Steel could now be produced with rapidity and strength at the price of iron.

The following decade brought more advancement in the form of the open hearth furnace, a process which heats pig iron with scrap metal in a furnace to a higher degree than the Bessemer Process allowed, exposing the steel to less nitrogen which can cause it to become brittle. In addition to the mills boosting the economies of cities like Pittsburgh and Cleveland, there were numerous smaller cities and towns that developed around the steel industry in the Mahoning, Ohio, Monongahela and Cuyahoga River Valleys that began as iron works and transitioned into vast complexes capable of mass producing steel. These advancements, combined with new discoveries in the use of concrete, set the following century up for even more rapid transformation.

Beyond steel production, the Midwest was a major manufacturing center. Initially reliant on local resources, the transportation advancements of the first half of the 19th century offered new materials and diversification of products. Furniture production, agricultural machinery, sewing machines, watches and toys were manufactured in bulk, establishing an identity different from that of New England which focused on textile and paper manufacturing. It was during this period that the Midwest surpassed New England, then the Middle Atlantic, and then both northern regions combined in population, but the density was low and the region was still rural. “The availability of land worked against manufactures in two ways: it provided an inducement to agriculture and it dispersed people over an area too large to be a satisfactory market for manufactures” (Marx 149). The struggle to fully industrialize didn’t last very long as the discovery of large ore ranges and coal deposits gave incentive to manufacture locally.

It was in the second half of the 19th century that the Midwest began experimenting with grain elevator materials as a result of industrial growth. Timber, brick, steel and ceramic tile were used before establishing reinforced concrete as the ideal grain elevator material around the turn of the century, when it also began to be used in building design. European Modernists admired the concrete elevators on an aesthetic level; Le Corbusier called them “the magnificent fruits of the new age”, Aldo Rossi later referred to them as “the cathedrals of our time”, and Walter Gropius compared them to the Great Pyramids of ancient Egypt, yet they remain “a scandalously rejected body of major American buildings” (Coolidge).

Grain elevators are innovative, heavily engineered structures, existing as landmarks or way-finding devices and appearing like ‘prairie skyscrapers’ on the flat, monotonous landscape. They were/are “[an] odd mixture of machine and building” (Brown 1) whose internal workings, as described by author Reyner Banham, “seem like a gigantic surrealist architecture turned upside down or like the abandoned cathedral of some sect of iron men”. Their complexities are often overlooked, perhaps because their functionality requires the weatherproofing and durability of the uninterrupted concrete shell.

This was an age when factories in America were still held in high regards because they gave back to the community by providing employment, a higher standard of living, and a social structure. Development and urbanization continued to form around the factory, and some companies established ‘company towns’, where the factory was the center of town and employees resided in homes surrounding it- a system originating in the mining industry. Meanwhile in Europe, accounts of unsafe and unhealthy factory conditions were being published and the smokestack’s appearance shifted from that of a “charmingly picturesque veil” to an “insidious menace” (Darley 32).



1900-1950


Early industrial landscape- American Steel & Wire Co., Cleveland.

Early industrial landscape- American Steel & Wire Co., Cleveland.

The rise of the steel industry, expansion of transportation routes and the increasing population density were symbiotic; advancements in steel manufacturing both made railroad development possible as well as necessitated it, railroad development encouraged more industrial development along its route, and both the railroad and the industry brought population along with them.

While the steel industry helped build the railroad network, it also helped to destroy it with the invention of the automobile. New industries began developing in pockets in the Midwest; Detroit saw the rise of the ‘Big 3’ automakers in the early 20th century: Ford, GM and Chrysler. The first Detroit Ford plant at Piquette Avenue was a Victorian factory building, but Albert Kahn soon became the leading architect of the company and Albert Kahn Associates single-handedly modernized the American factory, as well as factory design throughout the world. Highland Park was designed in 1913 in response to the newly invented assembly line, using new building techniques like reinforced concrete and steel trusses, and Ford quickly moved sites and changed design with the advancing technology.

Giving validity to the idea that factories are the epitome of change, a new Ford complex representing new ideas in terms of both mass production and construction techniques was built in 1917. The River Rouge complex became the most fully integrated car manufacturing facility in the world, consisting of a steel mill, a glass plant, a power plant, and an assembly line. Truly behaving like a city within a city, River Rouge is perhaps the best example of how “factories are the closest phenomena to urban life..” (Darley 135).

With the automotive industry came other industries, such as rubber, which was based in Akron, Ohio, the “Rubber Capital of the World”. In 1950, more than 130 different companies manufactured rubber in Ohio, becoming the state’s largest industry next to steel. These factories became vast industrial complexes as well, producing not only automobile and bicycle tires but also fire hose and rubber tubing.

In 1906, Gary, Indiana was founded by the United States Steel Corporation. “A city will spring into being at the bidding of no God or Demigods, but of half a dozen very practical businessmen” (Sisson). A true factory town, Gary became ‘Steel City’, and contributed heavily to the large number of existing steel mills in the Chicago area. Throughout the first half of the 20th century, Gary prospered as a safe, blue-collar community with abundant work opportunity. Steel production polluted the air, but the quality of life was high and Gary became home to the world’s largest steel mill.

In 1913, Walter Gropius published an essay in which he praises American industrial design, citing the recently completed Highland Park and including photographs of grain elevators from Buffalo to Minnesota. At the end of the essay, he states that these structures bare comparison “in monumental force, to the constructions of Ancient Egypt”.

By romanticizing the exterior of the factory, the grimy realities of factory life could be ignored. However, this ignorance only lasted as long as the factories supported and gave something back to their communities. For Americans, the mental shift away from the ‘picturesque’ smokestack officially occurred during the following periods of deindustrialization.


Effect


Industrialization on such a large scale gave a sense of purpose to the Midwest. It spawned urbanization and identified it as a blue collar, ‘All-American’, hard-working group of people. There grew a strong sense of regionalism among residents who were all ‘from away’ and flocked to the factories to earn a decent wage and to live in “the Midwest as ‘Main Street’” or “America’s collective ‘hometown’” (Shortridge)- a microcosm of idyllic America.


Identity, Culture, Regionalism, Purpose


The region has always suffered through identity crises; the south, west and northeast all harbored specific connotations but the Midwest was lacking in any association until it became the industrial heartland. It was only natural that, upon losing its industry, the Midwest would come to be identified with the decaying state of the very material that brought it into being.








The Contemporary Role of Post-Industrial Ruins in the Midwest - Chapter 1

Chapter 1: Introduction

Smokestacks.jpg

Ruins can hold a variety of meanings depending on their typology, location, and history. Even within individual cases, there exists a wide range of meanings; an ambiguity within the abandonment which allows visitors to attribute their own memories of the past, uses for the present, and images of the future. It is within the act of remembering or creating memories that a place finds its identity.

In the Midwest, where much of the former population has left and there is little documentation of the industrial landscapes of small towns, memories of the past exist almost solely in the form of architectural ruins. In this region, the role of remembering is just as relevant as the role of forgetting; the former population unintentionally removes intangible memories upon moving away while the region intentionally destroys the tangible memories in an effort to forget the hardships of deindustrialization. This simultaneity- the desire to both remember and forget our post-industrial ruins, is representative of the identity crisis that the region is facing.

In some cases, the ruins are so monstrous in scale and form as to have a foreboding presence- their tall, skyscraper-like structures resemble a forbidden city. It is the emptiness and inaccessibility that contributes to the ominous presence, because not so long ago, industrial landscapes were lively, active spaces that gave purpose to the surrounding community. These sites should be referred to as industrial or mechanical landscapes to differentiate them from singular factory buildings whose reuse and potential for repurposing is more straightforward. The fragmented nature of abandoned industrial landscapes suggests the range of interpretations that can be explored through complex, tangible layers of time.

We repurpose warehouses and vast factory buildings into housing and mixed-use complexes that effectively tie them back to their surrounding communities, but we are leaving out a range of other building typologies, including grain elevators and steel mills, that are historically significant but offer other challenges. Post-industrial ruins are palimpsests, consisting of layers of ambiguity, memory, and identity. Design shouldn’t be an act of creating something from nothing, but should instead seek to build upon the existing history and ambiguity of a place.

“The understanding and interpretation of a landscape are linked to the preservation of its material landmarks, the irreplaceable artifacts of memory” (Bergeron 238). In a region like ‘Steel Valley’, the entire identity has developed from the steel industry that once prospered there. Today, there are relatively few remnants left of this industry, leaving the valley with a meaningless moniker and future generations with little indication of the memories and identity of the place they live.

Part of the challenge in redeveloping industrial landscapes lies in educating the public about their value. It can be difficult for community members to see the potential in the ruins that exist in their own backyard, but it is in these small communities that the significance of both industrialization and deindustrialization is most evident and the need for redevelopment is most necessary.

Regardless of the public’s relationship with ruins and the stigma of the ‘Rust Belt’, we must find a way
to preserve the relatively few memories that remain of the region’s cultural heritage. In fragmented landscapes, ambiguity provides the potential to remember, create memories and stimulate imagination, all of which contribute to a sense of place; an identity unmistakably tied to history and cultural heritage. Without these places, there is a certain discontinuity— a gap in the understanding of landscape and history. Ultimately, the Midwest without its industrial ruins is a Greece without its Acropolis, an Egypt without its pyramids.


Chapter Overview


In Chapter 2: Industrialization, the history behind the Midwest’s industrial past is explored in terms of its impact on the region economically, socially and culturally. Coinciding with industrialization was an idealization of the region, a formation of the Heartland- a physical manifestation of American dreams and values. Establishing a timeline makes clear the distinction between the 19th century Midwest and the early 20th century Midwest, the latter consisting of a half- century of extreme transformation.

The varied industries of the region produced distinct building typologies; grain elevators, steel mills, warehouses and factories with innovative designs gave the Midwest an architectural identity of its own and contributed to its image as a place of extreme ingenuity. The buildings were not only influential to American architecture- they were perhaps most influential to the Modernist movement- the pure forms and functionality offered the very aesthetic that European Modern architects were searching for. With industrialization came a sense of regionalism; for the first time, the Midwest had an identity and a purpose which was overwhelmingly clear; factory life pervaded the soul of the community as well as the soul of the individual, and during this time, an end to the prosperity was utterly inconceivable.

This end is introduced in Chapter 3: Deindustrialization, where politics, economics, and technology are discussed as some of the causes for the decline of the region as the heart of American industry. This timeline is divided into twenty-year increments, beginning with the slow decline of the 1950’s and 60’s, contrasted with the hastened downturn of the 70’s and 80’s, and back to the slow decline of the few remaining industries of the 90’s and early 2000’s, ending with a look at where the region stands today.

The overall effects of deindustrialization in a region wholly dependent on its manufacturing industries were devastating. Widespread abandonment and decay were the physical effects, resulting in a stigma that has gone unchanged for roughly forty years. This stigma is at the very root of the Midwest’s identity today; the designation of the term ‘Rust Belt’ has only perpetuated the issues as the materials of industry and their subsequent ruination and weatherization are still struggling to compete with the appeal of materials that age more ‘gracefully’.

In Chapter 4: Case Studies, research has revealed that there has been shockingly little effort to preserve or reincorporate the ruins of America’s industrial heritage into contemporary society. It wasn’t until the 1980’s that we began to seriously consider the future of our industrial architecture, and this consideration mostly pertained to those monuments which were deemed ‘useful’, or whose inhabitation was straightforward in approach. One exception was Richard Haag’s crusade to save Gas Works Park, a historical gasification plant in Seattle. This effort is significant because it inspired other, more elaborate interventions that encouraged public interaction and posed the ruins as sculpture or anonymous art.

Many of the more involved projects inspired by Gas Works Park are occurring in the Ruhr District in Essen, Germany, where firms like Latz + Partners have educated and effectively sold the public on the potential and value of their industrial heritage. At Landschaftspark Duisburg-Nord, every aspect of the existing structures informed the repurposing, and the result reads less like a museum and more like a vast industrial playground that allows visitors to remember and create memories on their own terms. A similar approach was taken at Saarbrücken where the ruins of a former coal port were transformed into a park through selective demolition and alteration. The completed park resembles Renaissance gardens, where the old and the new were originally separate, but nature and weathering has begun to blur the lines.

Another study that is important to mention for its use of selective demolition and its understanding of the value of exploring and elaborating on the evolution of an object over time is the Castelvecchio Museum by Carlo Scarpa. During a period where preservation meant the reversion of something back to a specific (arbitrary) period of time, Scarpa chose to highlight different changes over time, including his own. This different interpretation of preservation led the way for other experimental interventions on historic buildings.
Chapter 5: The Significance of Ruins discusses the philosophical reasons behind valuing and transforming inaccessible ruins into accessible ruins. By first discussing the importance of ruins in general, it is established that, since the Renaissance, ruins have been perceived as having empirical value, whereas prior to this movement, they were valued only for their power to teach (Hui 67). This shift in valuing the experiential over the historical value is representative of the obstacle that the Midwest faces today. It is the difference between non-tangible history and tangible history.

The ruins of antiquity in places like Rome, Greece, and Egypt give these places their identity or uniqueness. Their ruins are almost synonymous with their names; when one imagines Egypt, they almost certainly picture pyramids and when one imagines Rome, they almost certainly think of the Coliseum. When one imagines the Rust Belt, they also picture ruins, however they are not viewed with the same romanticism.

In modern society, the reaction to post-industrial ruins is perhaps directly related to the reaction to Modernism. It is essentially a reaction to materiality and forms, as Modernism has still not been accepted by the general public as a valid form of architecture. The weathering of concrete, steel and glass can not compete with the weathering of stone, granite and marble in the traditional mindset. Additionally, the very idea of ‘contemporary ruins’ is a paradox, for ruins, historically, are the result of a thousand-year process. It is therefore important to make a distinction between ‘ruined’ and ‘ruining’.

The fact that the ruins of Ancient Rome took approximately 1000 years to gain the type of respect that we now attribute to them speaks to the need to take action in the Midwest. Our landscapes transform more rapidly now and our ruins face the very real threat of demolition. If the emptiness of the closed factory can be held responsible for a loss of identity and history in the Midwest, the emptiness of a completely demolished, flat, post-industrial landscape represents the ultimate form of loss in terms of culture, history, and identity. Without its ruins, what will the communities of the Rust Belt have to identify with?

In the Midwest, there are vestiges of the industries that once consumed the region. The vestiges are ambiguous; they offer glimpses of history but fail to tell the whole story. They are decaying, as ruins do, but exist as keepers of memory. They hold layers that reveal the history of a place not as an object frozen in time, but as a living, evolving, paradoxical thing whose value is dependent on its timeline.

Following a discussion on the topic of ruins in reference to their historical or geographical location, Chapter
5 continues with an exploration of the relationship between ambiguity, memory, and paradox. In vagueness, there is opportunity to ‘fill in the blanks’, to remember something from history or to imagine something, the difference being sometimes blurred but equally valuable. The experiential value of ruins is perhaps best exhibited by the fact that ruins evoke involuntary memories. While writing and photography can capture some of the historical data of a post-industrial landscape, these mediums fail to capture the essence and phenomenological aspects, and the paradoxes of the experience of ruination are lost.

From ‘Heartland’ to ‘Rust Belt’, the Midwest’s dramatic shift from successful to ruined represented a change in identity on both a personal and community level. In order for the identity to change, or for the stigma of the ‘Rust Belt’ to be replaced, the region must be able to recognize the value in post-industrial ruins. The factories were the identity, the abandonment of them is the identity, but now there exists an opportunity to exploit the ambiguity of the fragmented landscape in order to create meaning in today’s society. In order for a place to be relevant, it must be accessible and inhabitable, and this chapter finishes with ideas of how to make ruinous landscapes meaningful, even to those who fail to recognize their value on a purely aesthetic level.

Chapter 6: Mingo Junction introduces a specific site as a testing ground for the ideas represented in
the previous chapters. Site analysis will begin with extensive research on the ruin’s history and its place in the industrialization of the region, continuing with the subsequent deindustrialization, drawing on the research exhibited in Chapters 2 and 3. Parallel to the organization of the book itself, Chapter 6 then begins to look at the site in philosophical terms; what is significant about the ruins? Where does the ambiguity exist and how have the structures evolved over time?

One of the most important pieces of the site analysis is in researching the context/community. Post-industrial ruins are undeniably tied to place in a historical sense, but they also exist as alienating forms that are often on the edges of a town. In order to create new relevance for ruins, the community is of immense importance because success is dependent upon adding meaning and fulfilling community needs. An active site must be one of interest to people and their demographics, opinions, necessities and wishes must be considered when transforming such a sensitive site into something else, and beyond the location of the site itself, the transformation involves the neighboring cities and towns.

Chapter 6 concludes with a thorough documentation of existing conditions and a straightforward examination of traffic patterns, topography, soil analysis, sun and wind, and accessibility. The site is crucial to this project and extensive analysis will be required to develop a full understanding to move forward.

In Chapter 7: Program, my preservation theories based on previous research will be presented in reference to the site itself. Beyond introducing the ‘stuff’ that will be included in the transformation of the site, this chapter will include all of the research up to this point on brownfield site remediation, and will begin to outline the approach for activating the riverfront and to examine how the existing structures relate to memory and identity and the topics covered in Chapter 5.

The program is divided between master planning and small-scale planning, the former being where site- scale moves are established such as palimpsest, brownfield remediation, recreation and renewable energy. In terms of small-scale planning, existing spaces will be converted to small-scale manufacturing and business incubators, greenhouses and a museum of industry. The two scales will often overlap, creating a complex fabric that builds upon the history of the place.

Cuba Day 1: Subjective/Objective

I thought that Havana’s beauty would be subjective- that it was a type of beauty only I could appreciate, having an aesthetic bias and fascination toward weathered materials, decay and dilapidation. I quickly realized that this was not the case and that it was, rather, a combination of subjective and objective beauty that drew me to Cuba. The buildings in Havana are objectively significant, first and foremost. This is not a result of dilapidation, although they are, perhaps, more interesting as a result. They are significant due to their level of detail, range of styles, and the sheer volume of historic structures, some original and others layered with alterations.

Art Deco building across the street from our casa particular, Centro Habana.

Art Deco building across the street from our casa particular, Centro Habana.

From our balcony on San Nicolas- Teatro América (tall art deco building), 1941, Parking Garage with perforated concrete, 1957.

From our balcony on San Nicolas- Teatro América (tall art deco building), 1941, Parking Garage with perforated concrete, 1957.

Rooftop conglomeration- from our balcony on San Nicolas.

Rooftop conglomeration- from our balcony on San Nicolas.

I find that a building is inherently more interesting if it shows signs of aging. The most basic building, if left to the elements, can be enhanced through natural processes resulting in color variation and the details of degradation. When this process occurs on an already elaborate, highly detailed building, the result can be overwhelming; there’s too much to look at, and an understanding requires actual analysis beyond architectural terms- into the realm of archaeology.

San Lázaro, Centro Habana

San Lázaro, Centro Habana

There are depths of color, as opposed to a single layer. Color palettes are incidental- a result of layers of time being subtracted, or simply due to the availability of paint, or lack thereof. Openings are not standardized, but reflect individual personalities, styles or needs.

Shell of a building, Centro Habana.

Shell of a building, Centro Habana.

Centro Habana.

Centro Habana.

Contrast between maintained and neglected, Centro Habana.

Contrast between maintained and neglected, Centro Habana.

An industrial relic, Centro Habana.

An industrial relic, Centro Habana.

An ‘incidental’ color palette.

An ‘incidental’ color palette.

There are abundant examples of Neo-Baroque, Neoclassical, art nouveau, and art deco buildings, some with clear Spanish/Moorish influences. Most buildings are highly ornate and unique, and in a strictly architectural history/research sense, we are lucky to have the Havana that exists today because it is absolutely full of architectural marvels. The fact that new construction has been scarce means that little has been demolished, so nearly every building is interesting in a historical sense.

Colonnade along the Malecón, weathered by the rugged Atlantic exposure.

Colonnade along the Malecón, weathered by the rugged Atlantic exposure.

It’s a surreal city; a wonderland of unassuming masterpieces. In Mark Kurlansky’s words, it is “ornate but disheveled, somewhat like an unshaven man in a tattered tuxedo”.

Colonnade and canopy, 51 Malecón.

Colonnade and canopy, 51 Malecón.

51 Malceón comes out of nowhere. It is shockingly tall in context, and its sharply undulating façade consists of tiny, intricately patterned purple, green and white tiles. Some windows have been replaced while others appear to be original. Paint is peeling and the base columns which form the continuous colonnade along the Malecón are deteriorating. The cantilevered canopy, so precariously pinned to the columns, adds to the thrilling experience of this building. I remain intrigued, and would love to know more about 51 Malecón.

51 Malecón.

51 Malecón.

Intricate tile work, sharp undulations.

Intricate tile work, sharp undulations.

A postcard I bought in Cuba- Havana’s skyline featuring the anomalous 51 Malecón.

A postcard I bought in Cuba- Havana’s skyline featuring the anomalous 51 Malecón.

On the Malecón.

On the Malecón.

Neoclassicism on the Malecón.

Neoclassicism on the Malecón.

Neo-Baroque building, Paseo del Prado.

Neo-Baroque building, Paseo del Prado.

Art Deco Teatro Fausto, 1938, Paseo Del Prado.

Art Deco Teatro Fausto, 1938, Paseo Del Prado.

Uniquely detailed Teatro Fausto, 1938, Paseo Del Prado.

Uniquely detailed Teatro Fausto, 1938, Paseo Del Prado.

Egyptian Revival, Paseo Del Prado.

Egyptian Revival, Paseo Del Prado.

Elaborate Neo-Baroque building, Paseo Del Prado.

Elaborate Neo-Baroque building, Paseo Del Prado.

Intensely detailed Moorish building, Paseo Del Prado.

Intensely detailed Moorish building, Paseo Del Prado.

There are buildings that require more attention than they have been given, with such elaborate ornamentation that they could not be fully understood without careful study. This Moorish building along the Paseo Del Prado, much like 51 Malecón, is incredibly intriguing. These photos were taken the first time I saw it, and we revisited it multiple times during our time in Havana.

Intricate Moorish details, Paseo Del Prado.

Intricate Moorish details, Paseo Del Prado.

Nighttime is endless entertainment. Whether wandering the streets or watching from a balcony- there is a constant stream of activity. People are outside, relishing the cool breeze. Jalousies are left open and iron grates do very little to obscure views straight into people’s living rooms or bedrooms. The sound of television, music and conversation wafts through the streets to create a constant, chaotic- though strangely pleasant- symphony.

Obispo 306, Habana Vieja.

Obispo 306, Habana Vieja.

Finding beauty in ruins is subjective. If objective beauty exists, it is found in work that is incredibly thoughtful and detailed. Havana is a special place that, due to unique and complex circumstances, has both types. I am not advocating for a ruinous landscape, but simply find myself interested in the paradox of a place that is both ruinous and elegant.